Yves here. The erosion in trust, not just in government institutions but on an interpersonal/commercial level has been falling in the US for a very long time. And bizarrely, there is far too little attention to the loss of this sort of faith has costs. For instance. commercial agreements have for the most part become much longer, which leads to higher legal review expenses and negotiating effort, so higher contracting costs are a form of friction. This article seeks to measure the damage done by merely one type of reduced confidence, that in official statistics, and finds it is not trivial.
And that makes complete sense. If you have reason to doubt the data you have about an investment or a project, you should assign a higher discount rate to reflect the higher uncertainty, or not go ahead at all.
By Nicholas Bloom, Department Of Economics, Stanford University; William Eberle Professor of Economics Stanford University; Erica Groshen, Senior Economics Advisor, School of Industrial and Labor Relations Cornell University; Duncan Hobbs, Senior Research Associate American Enterprise Institute; and Michael R. Strain, Paul F. Oreffice Senior Fellow in Political Economy American Enterprise Institute; Professor of Practice Georgetown University. Originally published at VoxEU
Trust in official economic statistics has become an increasingly salient policy issue, including in the US where the Commissioner of the Bureau of Labor Statistics was dismissed in August 2025 amid allegations that agency data had been manipulated. This column shows that the events produced a sharp increase in economic policy uncertainty, with existing estimates linking uncertainty to macroeconomic outcomes implying that the resulting loss of confidence may have reduced US GDP by roughly $20 billion. While some economic activity postponed during periods of uncertainty may eventually occur later, there are reasons to believe that at least part of the effect could be lasting.
Trust in official economic statistics has become an increasingly salient policy issue. Across advanced economies, concerns about political pressure on statistical agencies, declining survey response rates, and the growing difficulty of measuring fast-changing economies have raised questions about the resilience of public data systems. In the US, these debates intensified after the August 2025 dismissal of Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) Commissioner Erika McEntarfer and accompanying public allegations that agency data had been manipulated.
Economists have long argued that uncertainty can impose substantial economic costs. Research following Bernanke (1983) and Bloom (2009) showed that heightened uncertainty reduces investment, hiring, and consumption as firms and households delay decisions. Increased uncertainty in foreign markets can have negative effects on domestic investment, consumption, and economic growth (Bali et al. 2017, Biljanovska et al. 2021). VoxEU columns have repeatedly highlighted how uncertainty shocks weaken economic activity and complicate policymaking (Bloom 2014, Baker et al. 2020, Weber et al. 2021, Salish 2026). Yet while economists have studied uncertainty extensively, much less attention has been paid to one of its underlying determinants: trust in official statistics.
Our recent research examines whether a sudden erosion in confidence in US federal statistics generated measurable economic costs. We find evidence that it did. The events surrounding the August 2025 firing of the BLS Commissioner produced a sharp increase in economic policy uncertainty, and existing estimates linking uncertainty to macroeconomic outcomes imply that the resulting loss of confidence may have reduced US GDP by roughly $20 billion.
The estimate is necessarily imprecise, but the broader implication is clear: trustworthy federal statistics are valuable economic infrastructure. This is finding is particularly relevant for democracies, which tend to maintain high-performing statistical agencies as a part of their economic infrastructure (Di Gennaro 2024).
Why Statistical Credibility Matters
The BLS produces many of the indicators that underpin economic decision-making in the US, including the unemployment rate, monthly payroll employment estimates, wage measures, and the Consumer Price Index. These data affect monetary policy, financial markets, public spending, wage negotiations, and private-sector investment decisions.
Their importance extends beyond government. A survey of business economists by the National Association for Business Economics (Hughes-Cromwick and Coronado 2019) found that 95% viewed government statistics as important to their work, with labour market indicators ranked among the most important inputs into forecasting and planning.
Reliable statistics create value partly because they reduce uncertainty. Firms can invest more confidently when inflation and labour market conditions are measured consistently and credibly. Households can make longer-term decisions with greater confidence about wages, employment prospects, and prices. Policymakers can calibrate fiscal and monetary policy more effectively.
These benefits resemble other forms of public infrastructure: they are diffuse, economy-wide, and difficult to price directly. But one channel through which trustworthy statistics generate value — reducing uncertainty — can be measured indirectly.
Measuring the Uncertainty Shock
To estimate the economic consequences of the August 2025 events, we use the Economic Policy Uncertainty (EPU) Index developed by Baker et al. (2016). The index tracks the share of newspaper articles discussing economic policy uncertainty and has become a widely used measure of uncertainty shocks. It rose sharply during episodes such as the 2008 Global Financial Crisis, the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic, and periods of fiscal brinkmanship in the US in 2011 and 2013.
Following the dismissal of the BLS Commissioner on 1 August 2025, the EPU Index increased sharply (Figure 1). Comparing the week before the announcement (25–31 July) with the week after (1–7 August), the index rose by approximately 127 points, an increase of more than 50%.
Figure 1 Economic Policy Uncertainty Index around 1 August 2025 firing

Note: This figure displays the daily Economic Policy Uncertainty Index in the week before and after August 1. The solid black line is the raw daily index and the dashed lines on either side of August 1 represent the average EPU index in the week before and week after August 1 respectively.
Source: https://policyuncertainty.com/media/All_Daily_Policy_Data.csv, retrieved 27 October 2025.
Not all of that increase can be attributed solely to concerns about statistical credibility resulting from the dismissal. The same day also included major downward revisions to payroll employment estimates and the resignation announcement of Federal Reserve Governor Adriana Kugler. To isolate the portion plausibly associated with reduced trust in federal statistics, we adjust the estimate using media references specifically linked to the BLS controversy and the employment revisions.
Using this more conservative approach, we estimate that the erosion of confidence in BLS independence and data integrity increased the EPU Index by roughly 22 points, or about 9%.
Translating Uncertainty into Economic Costs
A large literature finds that increases in uncertainty depress economic activity. Bernanke (1983) argued that uncertainty causes firms to postpone irreversible investment decisions. Bloom (2009) showed that uncertainty shocks reduce hiring and investment, while subsequent work has linked policy uncertainty to declines in output, employment, and productivity growth.
Applying estimates from this literature to the observed increase in uncertainty suggests that the decline in trust associated with the August 2025 events may have reduced GDP by roughly $20 billion.
This estimate should be interpreted carefully. It captures only one channel through which trustworthy statistics matter: the effect operating through increased uncertainty. It does not include other important benefits of federal statistics, such as improving labour market matching, informing productivity measurement, facilitating accurate inflation adjustments, or enabling evidence-based policymaking.
Even so, the comparison with agency budgets is striking. The FY2025 appropriation for the BLS was approximately $704 million. Our estimate therefore implies that the marginal erosion in trust associated with the August 2025 events may have imposed economic costs many times larger than the agency’s annual budget.
Importantly, the public did not entirely lose confidence in BLS data. Financial markets, businesses, and policymakers continued to rely heavily on official statistics. The estimated losses therefore reflect only a partial decline in trust over a short period.
Temporary Disruption or Lasting Damage?
One important question is whether such uncertainty shocks merely delay activity or instead generate more persistent economic losses.
Some economic activity postponed during periods of uncertainty may eventually occur later. But there are reasons to believe that at least part of the effect could be lasting.
First, reputational damage to statistical agencies may persist beyond the immediate news cycle. Trust in official statistics is cumulative and institution-specific; once credibility is questioned publicly, rebuilding confidence can take considerable time.
Second, many forms of investment are not simply deferred. Decisions involving research and development, worker training, organisational restructuring, or new business formation may be cancelled altogether rather than postponed. Intangible investment, in particular, appears especially sensitive to uncertainty.
These concerns arise at a time when many statistical agencies already face operational strains. Falling survey response rates, staffing constraints, ageing technology systems, and funding pressures have complicated the production of high-quality economic statistics across advanced economies.
In the US, a recent report by the American Statistical Association (Auerbach et al. 2024) warned that federal statistical agencies remained vulnerable to political interference because of insufficient protections for professional autonomy. Meanwhile, the BLS budget has declined substantially in real terms since 2010, limiting its ability to modernise surveys and invest in new statistical methods.
Statistical Agencies as Economic Infrastructure
Policy debates about infrastructure typically focus on roads, ports, energy systems, or broadband networks. But statistical agencies also provide foundational infrastructure for modern economies.
In the US, the BLS, the Census Bureau, the Bureau of Economic Analysis, and related agencies generate information that allows markets and governments to function more effectively. Their outputs guide monetary policy, shape fiscal decisions, support private-sector planning, and improve public accountability.
The benefits of these institutions are difficult to observe precisely because they are embedded throughout economic decision-making. But the events of August 2025 suggest that the costs of undermining confidence in official statistics can be substantial and immediate.
Protecting the credibility, independence, and technical capacity of federal statistical agencies is therefore not merely an administrative concern. It is a consequential economic one.
See original post for references


Govt statistics are seen as safe and effective. / ;)
Right now, the official unemployment rate is 4.3%, and the official inflation rate is 4.2%, I wonder how many people believe that.
from Dean Baker, a reliable source:
“We know the Trump administration would have no moral qualms about faking jobs data. Why not, they lie about everything. But as a practical matter it would not be easy.
They couldn’t just fake a single number, like the unemployment rate. They would have to fake a whole set of numbers so that they lined up without any one of them calling attention as being obviously absurd. This would be made harder by the fact that the underlying data in the household survey are made public, so researchers around the country would be able to quickly check the numbers BLS reported.
This doesn’t mean that the data couldn’t be faked, but it would almost certainly require a large number of people to be in on the process. The people who work BLS are serious professionals with integrity. If they got orders from Trump to cook the data, we would have heard about it.
There may be some point down the road where Trump has MAGArized BLS and the data are no longer trustworthy, but we are not there yet.” https://cepr.net/publications/more-thoughts-on-the-jobs-report/
An important limitation is the BLS funding problem, limiting its capacity to improve data sources as fewer people respond.
The definitions of those stats have been cooked and gamed for so long that there is probably little need to fake them any more.
I believe that’s the “official” rate.
Now whether it’s the ACTUAL rate is a whole different question… ;-)
No accountability, no trust; no trust, no bueno.
This is all part of America’s transition from a High Trust Society to a Low Trust society.
Add the assault on Due Process and a lot of systems that were devised to function in a High Trust society simply stop working when it turns into a Low Trust society.
Which has a lot of costs that are not always immediately apparent.
I remember the COVID data in the nyt that was disappeared some years ago.
From the shapes of the curves, it was apparent that countries outside of western Europe where gaming the numbers by an order of 4. The excess death rates didn’t match the COVID number and the shapes of the curves didn’t match, and the mismatch wasn’t a simple cut off like you’d expect when you hit a threshold of an overstretched bureaucracy with a later return to shape matching.
The media only noticed for official enemies.
And of course, for unemployment, no one ever looks at the U6 numbers, a classic way to game the numbers without having to explicitly lie
IMO, one major reason in said decline of trust is the set of blatant lies peddled by the government and the “elites” in defense of izzies for decades. Noticed this first with the Liberty incident. It has gotten much worse. They are starting to lose the folks in fly-over country and more. If you catch a fellow in one lie after another, why would you believe anything he says? So the powers-that-be are vanishing those who dare tell the truth. Masie is an example. This is starting to backfire. Army folks are not re-enlisting, or suggesting their kids to enlist. I wonder where this whole shooting-match is going to go.
There is ample reason for a sleazy President to want to doctor the numbers. For example, two of the crown jewels of macroeconomics. Since real GDP is just nominal GDP minus inflation (GDP deflator,) statistically reducing inflation results in–presto, magico–GDP growth being higher and inflation lower. What could be better?
I suspect that the public has already been prepared for this. In the early 2020s, economists downplayed inflation by hyping it as “transitory.” While technically correct, the public looked at the accumulated impact of inflation–a significant rise in price levels accompanied by the resulting decrease in purchasing power and affordability–and were appalled. Liberal economists and Democrats hyped the great Biden economy, while the public preferred to believe their own lying eyes.
There are other advantages to cooking the books. One is to inflate away the debt. If the government can get investors that future inflation will be low, and it’s higher, then the government has been lent money on the cheap while the real value of the debt has declined faster than expected.
For example, YOY inflation in January, 2022 was 7.5%. The yield on the 5 year Treasury was around 1.75%. But in reality inflation erased the value of more than 5 years of interest earnings in a single year!
Meanwhile the TIPS breakeven inflation rate was 2.4%. Investors were snookered into believing that believing that inflation was transitory. The government essentially lent money for free plus a reduction in the real value of their debt.
Lots of reasons to manipulate the official statistics…
Ah, but whose trust, and in what?
There is the hard-nosed argument that elite trust in the literal truth of official statistics matters, because their uncertainty hurts us, but the narrowness of this line of inquiry is frustrating.
Official statistics are almost always* defined in such a way as to produce the rosiest possible picture. Unemployment and inflation are the most well-trodden examples, but perhaps not the most egregious, especially considering how statistics are often used together. Job growth numbers include full- and part-time jobs; the most accessible/widely propagated median wage numbers include only full-time jobs, excluding part-time, temp, and gig work: Kinds of labor that have been growing since the great recession. A person can lose a full-time job, replace it with two part-time jobs that together pay less, and contribute to job growth, while at the same time not embarrassing America by putting even the slightest dent in its median wage.**
This might lead one to seek out a seemingly more holistic measure, like household income. In the United States, this comes from the Census Bureau, which means that it defines a household as everyone living in the same housing unit. Things like having roommates or living with one’s parents as an adult–not typically signs of prosperity–increase household income.
It’s difficult to account for the aversion of the left to all of this. Fear of being called a conspiracist or refusal to engage in wonkery only go so far. If I had to guess, leftists refuse to look at just how bad things are, and how statistics paper over them, because of their foundational belief in the power of labor. “Strong” job and wage growth numbers flatter their idea of latent labor power.
Even if conditions haven’t gotten quite bad enough to switch from tricky definitions to straight-up lying, the same motivation underlies both, and conditions eventually will.
*Labor participation rate is an exception, but, as a single, easy-to-understand number, it’s a product of a time when people didn’t tend to stick around very long, after retirement. (Hey, maybe we’ll get back to that.) Of course, defining it as age 18-65 would run into the same problem as noted with wages, with less-than-full-time employment. None of this matters, though, because a headline statistic as rational and intuitively understandable to the masses as full-time employment rate age 18-65 would never be acceptable.
**In the most perverse scenario, the person’s erstwhile full-time job is below the median wage. Our lucky contender has raised wages to boot! (Note that this also applies to people who lose their jobs and do not find part-time work.)
It’s now been a whole generation post-Boskin, and the inflation numbers have become worthless.
The so-called “Left” doesn’t want to face the fact of inflation, because the vice they share with the capitalist speculators is their everlasting addiction to loose money. So the “Left” becomes complicit in obscuring inflation, even while workers and pensioners get systematically cheated.
Well, that’s the PMC for ya. It took SIX academics—count ’em—to write this article and all they talk about in their arcane academic way is our current loss of trust in institutions while barely going into specifics. For instance, the cooked inflation numbers. No mention. That’s why there are sites like the following to point out the manipulation of them and inform an otherwise benighted citizenry:
https://www.shadowstats.com/alternate_data/inflation-charts
And don’t get me started on GDP which is mentioned in the article as some sort of accurate measure of the economy. It ain’t. Just one example from many I can think of:
Person A: Retired and healthy. Never needs any medical services. Bad for the GDP.
Person B: Retired but in poor health. Needs much medical attention. Good for the GDP.
Come on folks, help to lift the GDP. Get sick!